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Was Rome Really the See of Peter?
In May 1995, Pope John Paul II issued a extraordinary encyclical, entitled
Ut Unum Sint ("May
They Be One"), which sort to address the question
of the primacy of Rome against the background of the modern ecumenical
movement. What makes this letter outstanding is the fact that in it the
Holy Father admits that the papacy, as it currently exists and functions,
is a major obstacle to Church unity (Gleeson, 2003).
He acknowledges the need "to find a way
of exercising the primacy which, while in no way renouncing what is essential
to its mission, is nonetheless open to a new situation".
(95) He invites Christian leaders and theologians
to engage with him "in a patient and fraternal
dialogue on this subject, a dialogue in which, leaving useless controversies
behind, we could listen to one another, keeping before us only the will
of Christ for his Church" (96).
While some theologians and members of the hierarchy have taken up the
challenge, John Paul's call for dialogue
on the issue seems to have produced little positive result. One might
even imagine that we have actually gone in complete retreat from such
dialogue, especially when we consider recent documents emanating from
the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith
(CDF), such as Joseph
Cardinal Ratzinger's Dominus Iesus
(2000) and the William
Cardinal Levada's "Responses
to some questions regarding certain aspects of the doctrine on the Church"
(2007).
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Cardinal
Levada
Prefect of the CDF
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The later document questions whether "wounded" Protestant communities
that fail to recognise the doctrine of Papal primacy can legitimately
be called "churches". Does this document mean a return to the
old "popular" axiom extra ecclesiam
nulla salus ("outside the Church
there is no salvation")? While the document specifically
excludes this interpretation, it does make the claim the Catholic Church
represents the "fullness"
of what it means to be "Church" (cf Ratzinger,
2000: 17.2). Non-Catholic denominations are relegated to an inferior
position whereby the "fullness of Church
still has to grow in the brethren who are not yet in full communion
with it and also in its own members who are sinners" (Levada,
2007).
This view seems to be founded upon the assumption that the Catholic Church
was founded by Jesus Christ and "enjoy[s]
apostolic succession the unbroken succession of bishops going back
to St Peter", thereby forcing us to consider even our
Orthodox brothers and sisters "lack something
in their condition as particular churches
since communion with
the Catholic Church, the visible head of which is the Bishop of Rome and
the Successor of Peter, is not some external complement to a particular
Church but rather one of its internal constitutive principles"
(Levada, 2000).
While I have no argument with the basic thrust of these recent pronouncements
from the CDF, I would like to explore the connections between Rome as
the See of Peter, and the notion that the Bishop of Rome can claim to
be Peter's successor. Both of these notions are the sort of issues that
John Paul II indicated as stumbling
blocks in the path towards greater ecumenical co-operation, if not reunification.
Was Peter the Bishop of Rome?
While popular tradition does place Peter
in Rome, evidence to support such conclusions is lacking (Peregrinus,
2006).
There
are a few clues from Paul's letters
(Galatians and 1 Corinthians) that suggest
that Peter did travel and, interestingly,
he did so with his wife (1 Cor 9:5). This has
led some scholars to suggest that Peter
ministered as part of a husband and wife team a practice that Paul
implies was common, especially amongst Jesus' brothers and first disciples
(cf. Prisca and Aquila in 1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:3; 2
Tim 4:15). However, there is absolutely
no reference to Peter being in Rome, let
alone occupying the position of "bishop".
Paul, in writing to the Romans, never
suggests that Peter had proceeded
him to Rome or founded the community there. Indeed, given that he explicitly
states that it was always his "ambition
not [to] build on someone else's foundation" (15:20),
it seems unlikely that the Roman community had any "apostolic"
foundation. It would seem, therefore, that the Roman Christian community
was long and well established by the time Paul wrote his letter to Rome
in 58 CE.
Paul speaks of having "desired
for many years" to visit the Christians in Rome (15:23;
cf. 1:11-13), whose reputation for faith has spread "throughout
the whole world" (1:8). More-to-the-point,
as we noted last week, Romans 16 seems to indicate that several members
of the Roman community were Paul's friends
and collaborators (15:3-16). However, the arrival
of Paul's Law-free Christianity was probably
a more recent development which would account for the conflict
between the "weak" Law-observant Christian Jews and the "strong"
Law-free Christians to which Paul alludes
in Romans 14:1-15:13.
Some further indications of the origins of both the Roman community per
se and the conflict between Law-observant and Law-free may be found in
the oft-cited report by the Roman historian Suetonius
(Claudius 25:4), who relates how the Roman
Emperor Claudius (41-54
CE) was forced to "expel the Jews
from Rome because of their constant disturbances at the instigation of
Chrestus (impulsore Chrestus)" (Dunn,
1988). Since it is generally agreed that Chestus
must be taken as a reference to Christ it seems that there was in Rome,
as early as the decade of the forties, a significant body of Jews who
felt that the new Christian sect posed a serious threat to Judaism and
Jewish faith-practice. What was the precise nature of this threat?
The
most widely accepted view, best presented by Francis
Watson (1986), is this controversy
was merely an "inter-Jewish phenomenon", and that the contention
concerned Jews who were divided over "the truth or falsehood of the
Christian message," rather than over matters concerning Law-observance
(93). Watson (1986:
97) argues that conflict over the Law could only have occurred
later when, as a consequence of Claudius'
expulsion of the prominent Jewish protagonists in the dispute, the Gentile
constituency of Rome's Christian communities was left in the ascendant.
At that point, Watson (1986:
93) argues that Paul took advantage of the situation presented
by Claudius' expulsion of the Jewish leaders of the Christian communities
to win the now predominantly Gentile congregations to the Pauline camp.
Watson points to the large number of people
Paul can greet in Romans 16 whom Paul designates as associates and co-workers.
This suggests, Watson argues, that Paul sent
a contingent of missionaries to the imperial capital to clear the way
for his own impending mission in the city.
On this understanding, Paul's sole purpose in writing to Rome was to
encourage the returning Jewish Christians to sever their former ties to
the Jewish synagogues and unite with the newly arrived Pauline Gentile
mission (Watson, 1986: 141-146). And, remarkably,
Paul makes no reference to Peter who,
elsewhere, figures prominently in the Law-observant mission (cf.
Gal 2:7). His name does not even seem to be used as a rallying
catchcry for the Law-observant faction, as it was in Corinth (1
Cor 1:12; 3:22; 9:5). The last Paul seems to have heard of Peter
was from a decade earlier, when Peter
was still in Antioch (Gal 2:11-14). So when,
if ever, did Peter get to Rome?
The Earliest Tradition
The first indication we have that Peter
made it to Rome is found in later apocryphal texts, especially the Pseudo-Clementine
literature (which includes the so-called "Acts of Peter"). All
other references to Peter in Rome
seem dependent upon this apocryphal text and, therefore, scholars have
long debated the historical reliability of the link between Peter
and Rome first raised effectively in the modern era by the great
Pauline scholar, Ferdinand Christian Baur
(1831).
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The
tomb of St Peter in Rome but evidence is lacking that he ministered
in Rome
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It is not entirely beyond belief that Peter
could have come to Rome after Paul's letter to Rome was written (58
CE), but the evidence drawn from the Pseudo-Clementines to support
this assertion is extremely flimsy. The Pseudo-Clementines, erroneously
attributed to Clement (author of one, possibly two, letters from Rome),
are a loose collection of texts deriving from the heretical Christian-Jewish
sect of the Ebionites. They are particularly
notable for their strong anti-Pauline flavour and their support for the
continuing validity of the Jewish Law for Christian faith-practice.
Peter is mentioned in many of these
texts and they provide the only real support for the long-held tradition
that Peter went to Rome. The link
is made by other Church fathers as well, although many of these are extremely
vague. The fullest account of Peter's
ministry in Rome is found in Eusebius'
4th century Church History.
However, most of these references can all be traced back to a single source,
the "Acts of Peter",
which seems to have been incorporated into the Pseudo-Clementines.
The "Acts of Peter"
is a document that is first mentioned by the early church historians and
from these clues scholars can establish that it was in circulation by
the end of the 2nd century (Dunn, 1988). It
depicts Peter entering Rome to do
battle with Simon the Magician a character known from Acts (8:9-24).
However, in the Acts of Peter,
Simon is clearly meant to be a veiled reference to Paul.
In this account Simon/Paul is portrayed as Peter's
arch enemy, who claims apostolic status via a revelation and who preaches
a Law-free Gospel. The two embark on an amazing miracle contest that culminates
with Simon/Paul flying unaided through the air but at the prayer
of Peter, Simon/Paul is dropped and
crashes to the ground, breaking his leg. Simon is defeated and the people
turn back to Law-observant Christian Judaism.
This story became entrenched in the imagination of the early Church.
Despite its obvious fanciful elements and its clear polemical intent,
the story was appropriated by many of the Church Fathers to substantiate
the claims of the Roman community to pre-eminence in the Church. Clement
of Rome will dragoon the story into service to support his
authority as the successor of both Peter and Paul (1
and 2 Clement). Eusebius, (HE
3:39:15) will combine this story with other fragments from the
writings of Papias of Hierapolis (c. 120/130 C.E.)
to substantiate the pedigree of Mark's Gospel as both Roman and Petrine
(Elmer, 2007).
The pre-eminence of Rome probably emerged in early Christianity, not
as a result of Peter's association with Rome, but because of its geo-political
significance as the Imperial Capital. Already in Luke's Acts of the Apostles
the city of Rome is seen as the destination of all the early evangelisation.
Accordingly, the focal-point of Christianity shifts from Jerusalem and
its Temple to Rome and the imperium. For Luke, a citizen of the Empire,
it was Rome and not Jerusalem which was seen as the centre of the world.
Ferdinand Baur (1831)
was probably correct, therefore, in arguing that the tradition of Peter's
visit to Rome is little more than a pious fiction of a later generation
meant to mythically underpin Rome's historical claim to pre-eminence.
We can see this already with the two canonical letters attributed to
Peter, which purport to be written
from Babylon (an early codename for Rome). It is interesting to note that
the author's companions are all people who were at one time co-workers
of Paul, such as Mark
and Silvanus (1
Peter 5:12-13). 1 & 2 Peter
also function as "unionsdokuments" bringing together
the two factions of early Christianity in Rome, from which other such
"unionsdokuments" come such as Mark's Gospel and
the letters of Clement (Baur, 1831).
It
is particularly the letters of Clement (as opposed to the Pseudo-Clementine
literature) that link Peter, Paul and Rome together although
it does not specifically say they were in Rome when they were martyred
(1 Clem 5:5-7). Paul
did go to Rome this much is certain from his letters. 1 & 2
Peter are the only canonical documents that suggest a link between Peter
and Rome. Clement brings the two together in death, placing them together
as martyrs whose blood fertilised the growth of the Church. Still, given
that the authors of 1 & 2 Peter, as well as 1 & 2 Clement, were
writing from Rome (and because of Eusebius'
reliance on the Pseudo-Clementines that do specifically link Peter and
Paul to Rome) we have the tradition that Rome was founded by both Peter
and Paul for which we also
celebrate their feast days together in the Roman calendar (June 29th).
There appears to be a serious problem here. If the evidence suggests
that Peter never made it to Rome and, therefore,
the claim that Rome was Peter's See is little more than pious fiction,
how can the Pope claim to be Peter's successor?
Separating the Traditions Linking Peter's Successor to
Rome
My understanding is that we should see the doctrine of the Primacy of
Peter as distinct from the primacy of Rome, the first of which has precedence
over the second. A quick overview of the Catechism,
which is our best compendium of "official" teaching suggests
that Peter's primacy exists apart from the location of Rome. Paragraph
522 holds that, although, "Simon Peter holds
the first place in the college of the Twelve, Jesus entrusted a unique
mission to him". Subsequent paragraphs go on to develop
further this understanding of Peter as the "first among equals",
deriving from a careful reading of Peter's role in the New Testament documents
- especially in Matthew, John, and the Acts of the Apostles. Paragraph
523 tells us that "Jesus entrusted this
authority to the Church through the ministry of the apostles and in particular
through the ministry of Peter, the only one to whom he specifically entrusted
the keys of the kingdom".
Interestingly, in the Catechism,
the connection between Peter and Rome
is not discussed in similar depth, but is rather assumed. Hence, paragraph
194 we find the following statement about the Apostles' Creed: "It
is the ancient baptismal symbol of the Church of Rome. Its great authority
arises from this fact: it is 'the Creed of the Roman Church, the See of
Peter the first of the apostles, to which he brought the common faith'."
Elsewhere, the Bishop of Rome is merely designated the successor of Peter
(cf. 85; 877; 822; 892; 936).
Once again, we see here the manner in which we, as Catholics, read the
bible out of tradition and, similarly, read tradition out of the bible.
It demonstrates the wisdom of this balanced approach. Theologians throughout
the Church's history have recognised that the primacy of Rome is a historical
development of a living tradition that only partly reaches back into the
first century. The Church recognises that the emergence of the pre-eminence
of Rome had far more to do with the city's political significance than
the Christian community there.
To question the historicity of the tradition linking Peter
to Rome is not the same as questioning the Primacy of Peter. Peter's
authority and, therefore, the authority of Peter's
successor, the Pope, do not rest upon either Peter or his successor's
locale. We need not quibble with the Papal claim to Petrine succession.
Historically speaking, Peter did enjoy
a pre-eminence by virtue of being the first leader of the Jerusalem Church,
and then later in Antioch (after his Christian-Jewish faction took control
of the Hellenists' foundation and Paul was
forced to leave). The Papal "chair" could be relocated anywhere
in the world. It merely remains in Rome as a historical circumstance rather
than a necessary one.
Final Reflections
I often feel sorry for Peter! Even
from very early on in the life of the first Christian communities, his
name seems to have been claimed as warrant for everybody else and their
version of the Gospel. In Corinth there was a party whose factional cry
was "I am for Cephas" against
Paul and his companions. Even before
this, at Galatia, the Judaisers seem to have claimed a connection to Peter
and the Jerusalem Church. Why else would Paul
find it necessary to recount in detail his early commerce with Peter,
James and John?
Yet a close reading of Galatians 2:11-14 suggests that Peter
was easily swayed by stronger personalities, especially Jesus' brother,
James.

In Paul's letters, Peter
doesn't come across too well in Paul's
estimation; Paul calls him a hypocrite
and accuses him of not living in accordance with the Gospel (Gal
2:11-14). Still, Paul is keen
to drive a wedge between the apostolic triumvirate headed by Peter
and the Judaisers at Galatia, and stress that Peter
never repudiated the Law-free gospel indeed, James,
Peter and John
offered the right hand of fellowship. It is with good reason that the
Roman church would latter claim Peter
as their own - what better claim to authority could one have than to declare
Peter as your first "bishop".
Reading through these early battles I can't help but think how much Peter
sounds a lot like most bishops today, caught between warring factions
who each want to claim allegiance to "tradition" via the magisterium
represented by the "apostle". It is astonishing how little has
changed in 2000 years. Every time I read Galatians, 1 Corinthians and
Romans, I think of the many good bishops, priests and the Pope who must
always try to walk the razor's edge without getting shredded. In this
sense, Peter is the model of the episcopate
and the papacy.

Bibliography
and Further Reading:
Baur, F.C. (1831), "Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde,
der Gegensatz des paulinischen und petrinischen Christentums in der ältesten
Kirche, der Apostel Petrus in Rom", TZT 4, 61-206.
Dunn, J. D. G. (1988), Romans 1-8 (WBC 38A; Dallas: Word Books).
Elmer, I. J. (2007), "Who wrote the Gospels", Catholica Australia
URL: www.catholica.com.au/ianstake/043_it_230607.php
Gleeson, B. (2003), "Power-sharing in the Catholic Church today:
Making collegiality really happen", AEJT 1. URL: http://dlibrary.acu.edu.au/research/theology/ejournal/aet_1/BGleeson.htm
Levada, W. (2007), "Responses to some questions regarding certain
aspects of the doctrine on the Church", Congregation for the Doctrine
of the Faith. Vatican City.
URL: www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_
_en.html
Peregrinus (2006), "Ten things you never knew about St Peter"
Catholica Australia
URL: www.catholica.com.au/peregrinus/025_pere_221106.php
Ratzinger, J. (2000), Dominus Iesus, Congregation for the Doctrine
of the Faith, Vatican City.
URL: http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_
_en.html
Watson, F. (1986), Paul, Judaism and the Gentiles: A sociological approach
(SNTSMS 56; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Photo Credits:
"St Paul" A mosaic featuring St Paul is displayed over the chapel
of the Basilica of St. Paul in Rome, Italy. Archaeologists have unearthed
a sarcophagus containing what they believe are the remains of St Paul
the Apostle. Time December 12 2006. URL: http://img.timeinc.net/time/daily/2006/0612/st_paul1212.jpg
Cardinal Levada URL: www.longbeachsaints.org/alumni/wheretheyare/levada/index.htm
"Peter and Paul" Icon from the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of
America (2007).
URL: www.goarch.org/en/special/listen_learn_share/peter_paul/learn/images/peter_paul.jpg
"Peter's Tomb" Jonathan Stephens (2007) URL: www.jonathanstephens.com/italy-large/St%20Peter%20Tomb%20Vatican%20Rome%20Italy.jpg
"St Peter's, Rome" Ship of Fools (2003). URL: http://ship-of-fools.com/Mystery/2000/Pics/StPetersRome.jpg
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Dr
Ian Elmer is a lecturer in New Testament at ACU National (formally
Australian Catholic University). He is also a member of the Centre
for Early Christian Studies, and was recently admitted into ACBA
(Australian Catholic Biblical Association). His research specialities
are Paul and First-Century Christianity. He is the author of published
articles in the Australian Ejournal of Theology and in Prayer and
Spirituality in the Early Church (a publication of the Centre for
Early Christian Studies). He doctoral thesis was entitled Paul,
Jerusalem and the Judaisers: The Galatian Crisis in its Broader
Historical Context.
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